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Reference: Our letter No.587 of July 10, 1958.
In recent weeks it has become increasingly evident that last winter's hopes for an alleviation
of the Foreign Exchange Crisis have proved false. Since April 1, 1958, the reserves have
declined at an average rate of approximately $10million a week, and with the sterling balance
now totalling a scant $400million, the Reserve Bank's treasury of foreign assets promises to be
well nigh empty before the year is out. It is now officially estimated that the over-all foreign
exchange deficit for the Second Plan period will be approximately $3400million as compared
with the $2200million deficit originally anticipated and, therefore, that additional foreign
exchange resources totalling at least $1000million (over and above foreign assistance already
agreed to) must be obtained by 1961. In the longer term, say for the next decade, the shortage of
foreign exchange promises to be almost equally serious. With the completion of the steel projects
in 1960 a considerable saving will be effected, but some of the other heavy industrial projects
now under way will not be earning or conserving foreign exchange until well into the Third Plan
period. Furthermore, it is probable that heavy industrial and transportation projects with a high
import content will again be emphasized in the Third Five Year Plan and that an effort will be
made to increase overall investment by at least 24 percent. In addition to these factors,
repayments due during the Third Plan period on loans and credits already extended now exceed
$600million.
In these circumstances it is not surprising that the Government is concerned lest there be a
general loss of confidence in the country's financial stability and broad economic prospects, and
official spokesmen are losing no opportunity to emphasize that the level of foreign exchange
reserves is but one aspect of a country's economic health, that the present decline in reserves has
long been foreseen, and that the situation, however disturbing, need not prove critical if all
concerned will buckle down to their allotted tasks. The crisis is, after all, one of development
rather than stagnation, they assert. No doubt it is proper that these facts should be emphasized,
especially in view of the national tendency towards what the Governor of the Reserve Bank
recently described as unwarranted oscillations ... between optimism and apprehension,
though there is an abundant evidence that the immediate crisis is more severe and has developed at an
earlier date than the Government anticipated, and a disinterested observer might perhaps speak
less confidently of ultimate success than Government spokesmen.
The broad explanation of India's foreign exchange shortage that the Government has
embarked upon an ambitious programme of economic development which it would be most
difficult to finance through domestic savings or exports is of course well known to you and
we need not discuss it here. As to the factors which have contributed to the immediate crisis there
is substantial agreement among observers, despite differences of emphasis and occasional barbs
from critics who explain the crisis principally in terms of Government bungling and ineptitude.
Imports, it is clear, have been considerably greater in cost and volume than was anticipated by
planners. The import costs of the Plan's industrial projects, for instance, were greatly
underestimated and food imports exceeded two million tons in 1956-57 and 3½ million tons in
1957-58 in contrast with the Plan estimate of an annual importation of 400,000 tons. While the
issuance of licences during the past fifteen months for even essential imports has been controlled
with increasing strictness, the actual flow of imports and of course corresponding decline of
exchange reserves has continued with little abatement owing in part to vast import
commitments entered into prior to the tightening of the regulations. (Outstanding import
commitments were officially estimated to have totalled $2,000million last October, and
Lokanathan of the National Council of Applied Economic Research recently estimated that
commitments totalled $1,500million in June 1958.) Declining exports, too, are known to have
contributed in no small measure to the shortage. Foreign exchange receipts from this source in
1957-58 appear to have fallen $50million short of the relatively modest Plan estimates, while
receipts are believed to have declined yet more seriously during the first quarter of 1958. The
tying of foreign loans and credits, especially from the United States, has been a further factor in
the continued decline of exchange reserves for such funds have perforce been utilized in projects
which, while valuable in themselves, frequently constituted an addition to the Plan's core. As a
Finance Ministry official recently expressed it when writing to us concerning Colombo Plan aid
for the current year:
Our situation now is that we must find from current earnings exchange required to pay for
the capital goods we have already ordered. It is causing an extreme shortage of exchange to
finance imports required to maintain the economy. Any current imports we get under aid
programmes help in releasing an equivalent amount of exchange for the payment of capital
goods already ordered. Aid tied to the purchase of capital goods only enlarges our
development programme but does not relieve our exchange shortage.
A variety of suggestions have been advanced as to how the exchange crisis is to be alleviated.
Government spokesmen and most private observers are agreed that every effort must be made to
reduce the flow of imports further, but there is less agreement as to how this is to be achieved.
Non-essential imports have already been reduced to a trickle and any further exclusion will
seriously affect the economy unless great care is exercised. While it may be possible to cancel or
postpone plans for the importation of some capital goods, in most instances projects have
reached a stage where it would be highly uneconomic to postpone completion. Furthermore,
many of the Plan's industrial and transportation projects are closely interrelated and failure to
complete any of them would tend to create bottlenecks making the completion of other projects
difficult. Quite apart from such considerations, the Government is of course aware that any
appreciable curtailment of the Plan's core would seriously affect their political standing in the
country, and they have hitherto firmly rejected such measures.
As to the possibility of further curtailing the entry of raw materials, there is already abundant
evidence that this cannot easily be accomplished if the economy and employment levels are to be
maintained. The Government has been seriously considering the cancellation or withholding of
import licences for raw materials for the third quarter of 1958-59, but such a measure, while
calculated to conserve foreign exchange in the short run, would inevitably cause much distress
and havoc. As the Times of India recently expressed it, it will be a pity if in wielding the axe the
Government damages the very sinews of industrial production on which the success of the Plan
depends. The Government is apparently aware of this danger and press reports which have
appeared within the past ten days indicate that they have now rejected the idea of a blanket
cancellation of licences.
Similarly, it might well prove difficult to conserve any large amount of foreign exchange
through the reduction of food imports. As you are aware, the volume of India's domestic food
production is still primarily governed by the generosity of the monsoon, agricultural campaigns
notwithstanding. If, as during the past two years, the monsoon is inadequate, extensive food
imports are unavoidable. A considerable part of these food imports have been provided by the
United States under Public Law 480 and have thus (apart from transportation costs) not involved
expenditure of foreign exchange, but normal commercial suppliers would no doubt object
strongly if this type of assistance were increased, or if overall food imports were decreased, at the
expense of traditional cash purchases.
There remains, however, at least one type of import which could be considerably reduced
without adversely affecting the Plan and the economy: defence equipment. The exact amount of
defence imports has not been revealed by the Government, but it is widely assumed to be
substantial. The Eastern Economist in a recent critical article maintained that total defence
expenditure has inflated our import bill by about Rs.75 to Rs.80 crores over three years. The
Government and much of the Press has hitherto taken the stand that however unfortunate such
imports may be they are unavoidable in the present circumstances. There are, however, some
signs of a growing realization that India must to some extent choose between economic
development and such security as defence equipment can bring, a realization that she cannot
have, in the words of the weekly Thought, both guns and butter. Since the introduction of the
budget the Government is thought to have reduced defence expenditures somewhat, and there are
known to be some, particularly amongst those responsible for the Plan, who are pressing for
more drastic reductions.
Whereas for over a year now attention has been focussed on the need to reduce imports, it is
only within the past few months that sustained consideration and determined Government action
has been directed to the alleviation of the exchange shortage through the promotion of exports. A
variety of appropriate measures have been suggested tax incentives, rebate of import duties on
essential raw materials, reduction of excise duties, liberalization of export quotas, assisted
transport, subsidization, compulsory export and in some instances the necessary Government
action has already been taken. Export duties for certain edible oils, the sale of which has fallen
ominously, have been abolished. While the rate of export duty on teas is to be unchanged, duty
will henceforth be calculated on a lower price. The drawback of excise duties on sugar and
margarine used in the preparation of certain exports is now to be granted. A Government
ordinance during the latter part of June directed all sugar mills to deliver a part of their production
for export, the target for the current year being fixed at 50,000 tons. Preliminary discussions with
the Railway Board for decreased freight rates are said to have begun. Above all, there appears to
be a new and long-overdue awareness in Government circles, and it is hoped among private
exporters, that more vigorous selling tactics must be adopted in foreign markets and that the
quality of exports must be improved. Since May the Press has repeatedly emphasized the
importance of this new awareness, and like the Hindustan Times, has cautioned readers that
gone are the days when India was in a position to have a trade surplus without much
effort.
It remains to be seen how sustained this determination to increase exports will prove, and in
the short run there are, we think, at least two major obstacles to the success of the campaign. The
first of these is, of course, that world markets are depressed at this time and the terms of trade are
unfavourable to many Indian products. Indeed, unless world markets recover quickly, it may
prove difficult to prevent export earnings from declining further. The second obstacle is that
many potentially exportable goods and materials are already in short supply in India and
significant exports are likely to increase prices and inflationary pressures generally. Already there
are ominous reports of prices rising in anticipation of shortages and while Press and Government
have joined in denouncing such profiteering, mere exhortation promises to be ineffective if
unaccompanied by determined restraints and controls.
Yet another means of relieving the foreign exchange shortage has evoked growing interest
within recent months: the mobilization of private gold and silver hoards. It has of course long
been known that there were large amounts of these precious metals in India, apart from
Government holdings, but it is only recently that an authoritative and relatively precise estimate
of the amount has been generally available. This estimate, which appeared in the April edition of
the Reserve Bank of India Bulletin, placed the international value of private gold stocks at $3500
million (the domestic value was placed at $6070million) and private silver stocks at $4150
million; it is hardly surprising that these figures should have aroused the interest of planners.
Unfortunately, however, it will prove no easy task for the Government to mobilize more than a
small amount of this treasure. A considerable part of it is known to be in the form of ornaments
and personal jewellery which, as some have hastened to remind the Government, few would
willingly part with. Much of it, too, is believed to be cached away as a hedge against inflation or
in order to escape the taxation on wealth. Furthermore, millions of humble folk, and indeed many
who are moderately well off, harbour a traditional and sometimes justified distrust of banks and
other financial institutions and prefer to entrust whatever treasure they may have accumulated to
a private hiding place. Despite considerable press speculation and occasional official reference to
the desirability of surmounting these obstacles to the productive use of gold and silver, there is as
yet no indication that the Government has decided upon specific measures.
During the past two or three months a few economists have suggested that the shortage of
foreign exchange could be lessened through the devaluation of the Rupee. You will recall,
however, that in our letter No.587 dated July 10, 1958, we informed you that these suggestions
had aroused vigorous opposition in Government and Press circles, and we suggested that in the
present circumstances devaluation was unlikely to prove beneficial.
Whatever the success of the Government's own measures to relieve the foreign exchange
crisis there can be little doubt that extensive foreign aid will be required within the next few
months if the economy is to be maintained and if the Plan is to have a reasonable prospect of
success. Furthermore, even if the immediate crisis is surmounted, foreign aid will in our view be
crucial to the success of economic development for at least the next ten years. There is we think a
growing recognition of these facts and Government spokesmen appear determined to convince
the public that it is neither undesirable nor abnormal for a country to facilitate industrialization
through foreign investment and other forms of foreign assistance. There are, of course, still
occasions when it is evident that the Government has not entirely mastered the art of accepting
assistance graciously, but on the whole attitudes have improved markedly. Much of the
responsible press, as you know, has generously recognized the contribution which foreign aid has
made to the Plans, and at least one leading Socialist economist, Mr.Ashoke Mehta, has recently
urged the Government to create a more favourable climate for foreign assistance.
Inevitably, many are looking to the United States in the hope of prompt and substantial
assistance, the more so in view of the Senate's recent agreement that India's needs are of
particular importance. Not all appreciate that it may prove difficult for the United States
administration to provide extensive and united assistance from funds approved by Congress so
far, and that whatever the ultimate prospects for a specific Aid to India bill it is most unlikely
to be approved this year. Many are now looking to the United Kingdom in the hope that an
overdraft can be promptly arranged for India's sterling account. The Press has been quick to note
improvements in the United Kingdom's balance of payments, and some observers have
concluded that she will be more ready to extend credits than she was a year ago. Within the last
week reports have appeared in at least two leading newspapers that a sterling credit of £75
million may have been tentatively agreed to during Mr.B.K.Nehru's recent visit in London. Nor
are other sources of foreign assistance being overlooked. Some are hopefully speculating that
India's creditors in Germany and Japan will agree to accept payment in Rupees, for the time
being at least. Others are hopeful that the forthcoming meetings of the Fund and the World Bank
in NewDelhi may assist the free world, in the words of The Statesman, to recover the
inspiration of the latter '40's, with their hope of joint international endeavour to maintain an
expanding volume of both trade and investment. Within the last two or three days several
newspapers have given prominence to reports that a high-level conference, with representatives
from the World Bank, the Fund, the United States, the United Kingdom, West Germany and
Canada, will be held in Washington next month to consider India's plight. As the Hindustan
Times sees it if all goes well, a combined loan underwriting a major part of India's present
outstandings as also a fair proportion of future requirements of the second plan. No doubt, too,
India is prepared to accept any additional assistance which may be offered by the Soviet bloc,
although it is perhaps significant that this possibility has received little attention since the widely
publicized cancellation of Russia's programme of assistance in Yugoslavia.
It will, we trust, be apparent from the foregoing paragraphs that there is no easy solution for
India's foreign exchange difficulties. It is, however, to be hoped that the exchange shortage can
be reduced to manageable proportions through a combination of determined domestic measures
and generous foreign assistance, for it is manifestly in the interests of neither India nor the West
that the pace of economic development should be markedly slackened or that it should prove
impossible for India to honour her foreign commitments.
C.A. RONNING
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