When the Prime Minister and Mr. Robertson were in London in October, just before the Labour Conference in Paris, I discussed with Mr. Robertson the position the Canadian Delegation should take in the Constitutional Com­mittee at Paris. He felt then that the Constitutional Committee should tread most carefully in matters relating to the United Nations and his own view was that it would probably be better to defer discussion of the question, as he feared that an insistent and outspoken demand from the I.L.O. Conference for immediate association with the United Nations might damage, rather than help, the I.L.O.'s position. In a brief conversation which Mr. Robertson and I had with Mr. King, the impression I got from Mr. King was that he too felt that it was better to avoid the issue.

During the Conference Mr. Robertson came to Paris and I had a further conversation with him about the efforts which some of the Delegations at the Conference were making to induce the U.S.S.R. to look more favourably on the I.L.O. As a result of this conversation the following statement was drafted, in consultation with Mr. Robertson and later approved by him in a telephone conversation after he had returned to London. This statement was embodied in the address of the First Delegate, Mr. Gray Turgeon, in the Plenary Session:

It is the earnest hope of the Canadian Government that the International Labour Organization will become universal. We should not, however, despair if universality is not achieved immediately. It should be remembered that a number of the staunchest of the present Members of the Organization remained outside for some years. Their absence, no doubt, limited the effectiveness of the Organ­ization, but at no time was its existence imperilled. Let us, therefore, carry on with the work of the Organization so far as we are able, confident that if it is well and truly done, our place with the United Nations will be assured by the work we achieve, and that eventually the nations outside the Organization may be convinced by the practical demonstration of the value of our work that their absence from our councils is their loss. Let us take our decision in all matters with regard only to their effect on the achievements of the Organization in its proper field, and not with the idea that we must secure more Members at any cost.

You will note also that the statement implies that the I.L.O. should not press its case for immediate tying-in with the United Nations in the state­ment—"Our place with the United Nations will be assured by the work we achieve."

Since the Conference I have had further discussions with a number of people both in the Secretariat of the I.L.O. and members of national Delega­tions. While opinion is divided, it is safe to say that the majority feel that it would be better, if possible, to avoid the issue of the association of the I.L.O. with the United Nations Organization at this time. The reasons officially given for this are that the I.L.O. has first to become an independent organization, that is to complete its severance from the League, and has to achieve the right to amend its own constitution. This means waiting until the Instrument of Amendment, approved by the Conference and now before Governments, has been ratified, and, presumably, until after the meeting of the League Assembly.

My impression is that the result of the decision of the United Nations to put the Headquarters in the Eastern United States has strengthened the views of those who think that the I.L.O. should not press its case before the United Nations at this time. They feel that, with the Headquarters at Montreal, they are favourably located to keep in touch in an informal way with what is going on in the Assemblies, Committee Meetings and Secretariat of the United Nations, and to bide their time.

I think I should add that many people seem to feel that the strongest argument against pressing the I.L.O. case at this time—one which cannot be used publicly—is that the Acting Director, Mr. Phelan, is understood to be very much out of favour with the Soviet Government, and that the first step to negotiations with the United Nations and eventually to securing Russian adherence to the I.L.O., must be the selection of a Director who is likely to have the confidence of the Soviet Union.

I have passed copies of this memorandum to Mr. Wilgress and Mr. Rasminsky, and I attach two extra copies in case you wish to pass one to Mr. St. Laurent.